I Am Chowkidar

Chowkidars are those who protect the Rich

Prime Minister Narendra Modi considers himself a chowkidar. What he has done is tell the country and the world reality. Chowkidars exist for the most part in Asian nations where poor men fill in as defenders of the rich. In India, just about 0.5% of the populace have gatekeepers, who are called chowkidars. Just poor, lower standing individuals — Dalits, Other Backward Classes and Adivasis — take up this activity, and that too when no other work for survival is accessible. That the activity is attached to standing was obvious in Rajya Sabha MP Subramanian Swamy's announcement. Mr. Swamy as of late said that he can't join the BJP's 'Main Bhi Chowkidar' crusade as he is a Brahmin. Being a chowkidar is a low-paying occupation with little employment fulfillment — all things considered, a chowkidar needs to remain at the door of a rich man or lady's home throughout the day and ensure it. No chowkidar serves poor people. The poor don't have whatever needs assurance.

    When I state Mr. Modi is talking reality, I allude to the general population he has been ensuring as Prime Minister — the rich, the top industrialists. The individuals who are attempting to set up a Hindutva state and economy are doing as such for the rich. The BJP/RSS Ministers and units have no faltering in joining the 'Main Bhi Chowkidar' battle. The BJP and the RSS have never trusted in financial uniformity. While the facts confirm that BJP-RSS activists have dependably attempted to help individuals amid normal cataclysms, they have never worked for the upliftment of poor people. They have never sorted out the agrarian poor or the urban poor so as to build their everyday compensation. At whatever point there have been strikes by specialists, they have agreed with the administration, never with the laborers. Their understudy wing, the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad, has never sorted out workshops or gatherings on the most proficient method to improve the living states of the underestimated. Nor has it sorted out gatherings for social and monetary equity. It has, truth be told, contradicted dynamic meets on grounds.

   

 It is not necessarily the case that Congress has not bolstered imposing business model capital. Be that as it may, amid the opportunity battle and till the 1970s, the Congress had some genuine ideological association with the communist welfare motivation. It needed to manufacture state capital. From Nehruvian law based communism to Indira Gandhi's abrogation of Privy Purses and bank nationalization, the Congress drew in with the possibility of some kind of social and monetary balance. Be that as it may, after Emergency, its believability started to disintegrate. At the point when Rajiv Gandhi ended up Prime Minister, a moderate pace of privatization began. When the P.V. Narasimha Rao government was introduced, the privatization procedure got, without surrendering the possibility of a blended economy.

    Through every one of these stages, the RSS and Jan Sangh contradicted state capital; they restricted a blended economy. It was simply after Indira Gandhi forced Emergency that they increased some validity among poor people, and this was on the grounds that they held hands with the communist chief Jayaprakash Narayan. Else they never moved far from the rich. They never moved far from serving entrepreneur and medieval interests.